Showing posts with label opinion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label opinion. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 2, 2025

Private House (Who did it?) By Grok 3

Semantic Framing: Borders as a “Private House”

Your analogy (mine indeed) of a country as a “private house” is a powerful way to describe the concept of controlled entry. Semantically, it suggests exclusivity, ownership, and the right to decide who crosses the threshold. This framing aligns with the modern idea of national sovereignty, where a state asserts authority over its territory, much like a homeowner over their property. The shift from open or loosely defined boundaries to a “private house” model reflects changes in political thought, legal language, and societal organization. Let’s trace when and how this metaphor started to take hold.

  • Early Conceptions of Territory: In ancient times, borders were often fluid, marked by natural barriers (rivers, mountains) or tribal agreements rather than strict legal control. The idea of a “private house” didn’t apply because land was often communal or tied to empires with porous boundaries. Entry wasn’t typically “denied” in a formal sense; it was more about conquest, tribute, or allegiance to a ruler.
  • Modern Shift in Language: The semantic framing of borders as something to be “guarded” or “closed” emerged alongside the concept of the nation-state, particularly from the 17th century onward. Terms like “sovereignty,” “citizen,” and “alien” began to carry legal weight, implying a clear distinction between insiders and outsiders—much like a homeowner deciding who can enter their space.

Historical Origins of Border Control as a Legal Issue

The notion of legally restricting entry into a country didn’t exist in a formalized way until relatively recently in human history. Here’s a timeline of how this developed into a legal issue, focusing on key moments, regions, and actors where possible:

  1. Ancient and Medieval Periods: Loose Control Over Movement
    • In ancient empires like Rome, Egypt, or China, there were no formal immigration laws as we understand them. Movement was regulated more by practical concerns (e.g., taxation, military service) than by legal prohibitions on entry. For instance, the Roman Empire allowed many “barbarians” to settle within its borders under certain conditions, often as laborers or soldiers, without a concept of “illegal entry.”
    • During the medieval era in Europe, feudal systems tied people to land and lords rather than national borders. Travel was restricted by class or serfdom more than by state laws. However, city-states and kingdoms sometimes expelled specific groups (e.g., Jews during the Spanish Inquisition in 1492) or restricted trade access, which were early precursors to entry control, though not yet systematic.
  1. 17th-18th Centuries: Rise of the Nation-State and Sovereignty
    • The concept of a country as a bounded, sovereign entity—akin to a “private house”—solidified with the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. This agreement, ending the Thirty Years’ War in Europe, established the principle of territorial sovereignty, meaning states had authority over their land and people, free from external interference. While this didn’t immediately translate to immigration laws, it laid the groundwork for states to claim the right to control who enters.
    • During this period, European monarchs and governments began to view populations as resources (for taxation, labor, or military power). This led to early restrictions, often tied to economic or religious motives. For example, England’s Navigation Acts (starting in 1651) restricted foreign merchants and sailors, indirectly controlling movement for economic reasons.
  1. 19th Century: Formal Immigration Laws Emerge
    • The 19th century marked the beginning of modern immigration law, as industrialization, colonialism, and mass migration prompted states to formalize entry rules. The “private house” analogy became more literal as countries began to define citizenship and exclude certain groups.
    • United States: One of the earliest notable laws was the U.S. Alien Act of 1798, part of the Alien and Sedition Acts, which allowed the government to deport foreigners deemed dangerous. Though temporary, it reflected growing concern over who could enter and stay. Later, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 explicitly banned Chinese laborers, marking one of the first race-based immigration restrictions. These laws were driven by federal authorities under pressure from labor unions and nativist movements.
    • Europe: In the UK, the Aliens Act of 1905 was one of the first modern immigration control laws, targeting Jewish refugees fleeing pogroms in Eastern Europe. It was a response to public and political fears of overcrowding and economic competition. Similar laws emerged in other European nations as nationalism grew.
    • Who Did It?: These early laws were typically enacted by national legislatures, often influenced by economic elites, labor groups, or populist sentiments. There wasn’t a single “who,” but rather a convergence of state interests (protecting resources or identity) and societal pressures.
  1. 20th Century: Passport Systems and Global Standards
    • The widespread use of passports and visas—tools to legally control entry—solidified in the early 20th century, especially after World War I. The League of Nations in 1920 began standardizing travel documents, turning border control into an international norm. This was when the “private house” model became fully entrenched: countries required formal permission (like a guest invitation) to cross borders.
    • Post-World War II, international agreements like the 1951 Refugee Convention (under the United Nations) established legal frameworks for asylum, but also reinforced state rights to control entry outside specific humanitarian cases.
    • Who Did It?: At this stage, international bodies like the League of Nations (later the UN) and national governments collaborated to codify border control. Individual leaders or politicians often shaped specific policies—e.g., U.S. presidents like Calvin Coolidge signed restrictive quota laws in the 1920s—but the broader trend was a collective shift among states.

Semantic Evolution of “Allowed to Enter”

  • Pre-Modern: Words like “foreigner” or “stranger” carried cultural or social connotations rather than legal ones. Entry was about hospitality, tribute, or conquest, not law.
  • Modern Era: Terms like “alien,” “immigrant,” and “illegal” emerged in legal and political discourse, especially from the 19th century. “Allowed to enter” became tied to state permission, reflecting the “private house” idea where the state, as “owner,” decides who belongs.
  • Legal Codification: By the 20th century, language in treaties and laws (e.g., “visa,” “deportation”) normalized the idea that entry is a privilege granted by the state, not a right. This linguistic shift mirrors the practical and ideological move toward exclusion as a sovereign act.

Why Did This Become a Legal Issue?

Several factors drove the transition of border control into a legal matter:

  • Nationalism and Identity: As nation-states formed, defining “us” versus “them” became central. Legal restrictions on entry reinforced national identity by determining who could belong.
  • Economic Concerns: Industrialization created labor competition, leading to laws protecting domestic workers by limiting foreign entry (e.g., Chinese Exclusion Act).
  • Security: Wars and political upheavals (especially in the 20th century) made states wary of espionage or unrest, prompting legal controls on movement.
  • Bureaucracy and Technology: The ability to document and track people (via passports, censuses) made legal enforcement of borders feasible, turning a once-theoretical right into a practical system.

Who Determined This, If Possible?

There’s no single “who” behind the global shift to treating borders like a private house, but rather a series of actors across time:

  • Monarchs and Early Governments: In the 17th-18th centuries, rulers like European kings began asserting territorial control as sovereignty emerged.
  • Legislatures and Politicians: By the 19th century, national parliaments (e.g., U.S. Congress, British Parliament) passed specific immigration laws, often influenced by economic or social groups.
  • International Bodies: In the 20th century, organizations like the League of Nations and UN standardized border control practices, making them a shared legal norm among states.

 

Feel free to draw your own insights in the comments section

Best regards, 

Tuesday, September 24, 2019

el Café



Debería prepararme un café, pero si me levanto voy a perder las ganas, sí, es increíble; las ganas de hacer algo se pierden – las pierdo – con una facilidad envidiable para el emprendimiento, este último ya como una fantasía más bien: ¿existencialismo? ¡Cuándo no! La cosa es que, mientras pienso en ese café que al terminar estas líneas voy a prepararme, voy a tratar de dejar algo aquí.

Verán, tuve la sensación de que estas cosas podía hacerlas en inglés, en algún momento creí – todavía creo – que estos escritos podrían algún día adquirir algún valor, y lo más seguro es que sí, pero eso va a pasar dentro de unos cincuenta años quizás y, para aquel entonces, no sabemos si habrá tecnología sustentable, saben, dicen que a la tierra no le queda tanto tiempo, así que lo más seguro es que esto perezca antes de adquirir valor alguno.

Eso, no obstante, no me impide volver a escribir. Verán – de nuevo – ante la imposibilidad de generar ingresos, generamos – no sólo yo – más gastos;  y esta es quizás la motivación ulterior que quería para sentarme a escribir algo: en Venezuela este tema del dinero es muy raro, como muy raro es el tema ecológico tan abanderado por la izquierda, y como muy raro es también que el único supuesto negocio que hace próspera a la gente es incursionar en la política, con todo y lo cerrado que es, pero sin duda es lucrativo.

En Venezuela los políticos parecen estrellas de rock, y bueno, ante tantas carencias, es muy fácil darse cuenta de cómo les cambia la vida una vez que el dinero – para ellos – deja de ser un problema. Lo curioso es que es precisamente en nombre del problema – el dinero – que se vuelven populares y son aceptados en el imaginario colectivo de los ciudadanos.  Para darles una idea, Venezuela tiene una serie de leyes que determinan  el cómo, el cuándo y con qué fondos un político puede hacer campaña, lo cual sólo deja al partido de gobierno con tal posibilidad, ya que está prohibido el financiamiento desde el extranjero (en teoría) sin embargo eso nunca ha impedido que siempre emerja un retador desde las filas de la oposición, como les dije antes, en política, el dinero no parece ser problema, a pesar del reducido parque industrial y del cierre masivo de pequeñas y medianas empresas, en política, una vez más,  el dinero no parece ser un problema.

¿Dónde sí lo es? En los sueldos y salarios, ahí sí tenemos un problema.  Desde mediados de los ochenta – quizás desde antes, pero la evidencia estadística empieza a resaltar es desde hace unos treinta, treinta y cinco años a la fecha de estas líneas, más o menos – desde mediados de los ochenta al venezolano le han inculcado la búsqueda del estatus a través de la academia, por lo que ir a la universidad pasó a ser un paso obligado para la mayoría de los cuarentones y cincuentones de hoy en día, más que en otro rango de edad, de hecho, hubo un momento en el que un asalariado pudo, con su sueldo, pagar sus estudios universitarios nocturnos.  

Esto trajo sus consecuencias, porque tampoco es que era fácil, al menos para aquellos que no gozaron del apoyo económico familiar - y esto es clave para entender parte  del resentimiento que viven muchos venezolanos – por ende, el título universitario pasó a ser ese gran logro por el que una familia se enorgullecía de su prominente nuevo miembro profesional. Muchos buscaron eso, el título, tanto así que hasta surgieron corruptos que lo compraban, así que pueden imaginar lo importante que fue en una época. Basta ver cómo crecieron las universidades privadas hasta más o menos el dos mil diez, por ahí.

Hubo mucho roce y contraste, al menos conceptual y constructivo, ya que muchos salieron de la universidad como profesionales, ávidos por ocupar un buen puesto que les proporcionara ese sustento y esa calidad de vida por el que el esfuerzo de estudiar de noche – y de día; esfuerzo al fin y al cabo – valió la pena. 

Y aquí llegamos. A la fecha de publicación de estas líneas, el salario promedio de un profesional universitario apenas acaricia – en muy pocos lugares – los cien dólares americanos. En muchos lugares es incluso menos, mucho menos, hay gente que gana sólo diez dólares, por ejemplo.  

Ahora sí, el café…




Thursday, April 26, 2018

Denial



Shall I get you another one? No. Maybe yes, but for me too. I can sit with you for a while, there are no more customers. Well, if you’re fine with it. Sure. What are you writing about? I’m just putting these thoughts on paper just not to forget them, you see, I’m always thinking of how things may be connected among each other, I believe there’s some kind of thread joining events for interpretation. Whose interpretations, ours, for example? Perhaps but I think events are more like: served for feelings; it’s like sensing. Don’t you think it might be just chance? Sure, but chance doesn’t work all the time for everyone; some people’s chances could be some other’s facts or logic consequences. For instance? You open this café everyday and expect customers, you are not leaving at least until I’m gone, I came here for a coffee and now we’re talking; you see, for me this is chance, but for you it’s a logic consequence: this is the first time I’m having a conversation with you but sure it’s not the first time you have a word with a customer. Well, it’s getting more common every time, few people are coming. Let’s hope it won’t get any worse. Please.

Tell me more about your thoughts, how they’re served? Most of them are built because of a feeling, so let’s say you’re not thinking until you put a feeling on it. I’m not following. You are indeed, what you are is unsure how to feel about it. It sounds weird to you, I may be even weirder but you’re not certain and there’s a part of you kind of interested, so you’re not thinking about it, you’re processing it and only after that you’re going to put a feeling on it, and that will be when you think: either I’m a waste of time or this is perhaps more interesting than it looks. It is more complex for sure. Of course, but it’s amusing to realize that almost every information we believe we think it is not so, that it is more the result of a feeling embracing such information and, base on that, we take part of something like: going or not to vote next elections, so we are not going to choose really, especially those who are not going to vote. In the time of our parents youth most of the info used to be gathered by newspapers; there were these sections that actually separated the news and in many cases, people then not always processed it along with a feeling, at least not like we do now. It could be so, but I also think (yes, think) that feelings could come up because of the anxiety the current situation has been pushing us all though. True, and anxiety is also, or least in my perspective, a feeling. Let me tell you something crazy, so you can actually think about it that way: you asked me what I was writing about. I think (based on a feeling) that the actual staff of the high government want to resign, they just don’t want to do it with the actual opposition, so that’s why we’re having these candidates and yes, the guy who used to stand for them will win, and a transition will start by the end of the year. What about the constituent assembly? Their job is to write a new constitution; a new one that allows them enjoy what they’ve made so far. I think you’re crazy. I know, but I really wanted to write it and now I’m posting it. Thanks for the coffee.

Thursday, February 15, 2018

tales to believe



It went by about an hour after having lunch I guess. I was getting kind of sleepy. There was no internet service, well, there was really, but let’s say it was coming and going; like a tennis ball thrown to a wall. I think the word is intermittent, the internet service was intermittent. Despite of it, I could see some news meanwhile. I read some about a problem with the platform of Banco de Venezuela (so if you´ve followed some of this writings, or any of the news from here, you may have a picture of how banking has been even before this incident) We don’t know when will it be restored: they’re working on it (working hard, of course) It was a sabotage – I heard – it is always a sabotage, anyone can be guilty except the people who actually work at it. The same thing happens with the electricity: several cities of the country experience a daily blackout of an hour at least. Why? Sabotage, the empire (which means United States) and la derecha; among others, – and this is a little bit what I would like to imply – according to the spokesmen of the government, they are pretty much leftists, they claim it with pride, call themselves Marxists; worship Fidel Castro as a sort of deity, just like they’ve been doing it with Chávez but at least Chávez is Venezuelan. According to them left means awesome and right means evil, and as any epic duel evil must be defeated every battle (which we’re having everyday every time) like the electricity service, which important buildings are being watched by the army (because we’ll prevail from any intent of sabotage –curiously the sabotage always tend to happen – and whoever the guilty is we’ll find it) or the bank platform, where so many people have their money literally trapped until they solve it (until they struggle with this plan the evil has organized from the empire through la derecha; the opposition)  
      
This is romantic and it makes the population romantic too. Probably it is why so many of us, even the ones from the right, just hope for a kind of hero who save us all, like it actually were an epic duel, so it’s not only the supporters of the government, this is in everyone’s mind. 

Last year the opposition called for a plebiscite in which people answered whether they agreed or not with a new president election. It didn’t happen then, it is happening now, but the call was made this time by the government, so the opposition are not ok with it. They were ok with the call from last year, but last year the government wasn’t sure they would win. Now they are, and that’s why nothing came up from the negotiations of Dominican Republic. Well, something surely came up, but the citizens won’t know about, not now at least; there’s so much money to accommodate yet and perhaps it has something to do with the sabotage, or not, perhaps this is just another epic battle where the right (of this left) shall overcome… again, while we still get poorer and politicians tweet and journalists (like they were politicians too) lie, and since we don’t have news to trust… instead we have tales to believe.

Sunday, February 11, 2018

After a sound made from opening a can of soda







I kept the sound in my head for a while, the sound of a can of soda just opened. I wasn’t even having it. I just thought of it. I’ve thought of it because some people were around me while I was trying to begin this. They were saying, telling, all these kinds of supportive arguments we still hear about the government… and yes, it is amazing, these guys, despite the hunger, the lack of supplies and all the things you’ve read we’re lacking: they still support the system.  

First of all, it is something everyone has to accept, even the most detractor ones: there’re people who actually are ok with this... then, we may wonder why, and this is what this post could be about.

After a sound made from opening a can of soda, if getting closer, you hear bubbles sparkling. It is less noisy but it lasts much longer, and that long lasting will depend on the hole’s size of the can (which is standard, but kind of small). We could see the hole and ignore the sparkling just like we did with the situation of the country, and now, although many claim (not without showing off) they had always known of this and therefore never been deceived, we’ve been having this impact in our pockets and this infantilism to suffer…

There weren´t few years hearing that poverty is caused by the rich, that privatizing industries means the destruction of the country, that only through the academy people achieve progress, that companies are in fact against citizens. All these bubbles were there when we’re just hearing the opening of the can. Now the can is empty, the government drank it all and we just get this impotence; an impotence which makes us behave as children, because now we don’t talk about science, tech, world economy; not the most at least. We talk about finding bread in a bakery, cash in the bank, medicines in drugstores and despite of it, some people are still supportive. Why? Because of the academic growth (there’s a lot of poor professionals but professionals nonetheless) the nationalized industries (which work less than a quarter of their potential but finally belong to the people) and the fact the government made clear that the enemies of the nation are just the rich and the companies, the ones inside the territory of course because according to them, the world is against us, which means them (for thieves obviously) but them is always us for our disgrace…